- The Degeneration of Telugu Journalism
- A Critical Analysis of Media Malice and the Misuse of Freedom
It is difficult to assess how many viewers, readers, WhatsApp, Facebook, etc., persons felt shame. As journalism is faltering, is it the Fourth Estate in India, or at least in two Telugu States? The recent developments in Hyderabad involving the arrest of journalists and social media operators have triggered a major political and legal debate regarding the boundaries of press freedom and the right to privacy. The incident in Telangana, where a news channel broadcast a fabricated narrative regarding a Minister and a woman IAS officer, serves as a grim case study in the weaponization of “Freedom of Speech”.
The most prominent recent case involves a broadcast by the popular Telugu news channel on January 8, 2026. The report suggested a “personal relationship between a State Minister” and a senior woman IAS officer. The broadcast reportedly used sexual innuendo and “off- the-record” storytelling to imply a scandal, leading to widespread character assassination on social media.
On January 12, 2026, the Telangana Director General of Police (DGP) constituted a Special Investigation Team (SIT) led by Hyderabad Police Commissioner V.C. Sajjanar. On January 13/14, 2026, the SIT arrested an Input Editor and a Reporter. One was intercepted at Rajiv Gandhi International Airport (RGIA) while allegedly attempting to fly to Bangkok. The reporter was also detained for questioning but later released. The journalists were produced before a magistrate and granted bail on the condition of surrendering their passports and appearing before the SIT twice a week. Parallel to the popular TV case, the SIT is also investigating the circulation of “abusive and morphed” content targeting Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy.
A person named by the media was arrested for allegedly morphing the Chief Minister’s images and sharing them in WhatsApp groups to incite unrest. Earlier in March 2025, journalists of a Managing Director and another were arrested for sharing a video of a farmer using derogatory language against the CM. Commissioner Sajjanar stated that “maligning any woman or public official under the guise of criticism is cruelty, not journalism”. He emphasized that the police are targeting “paid Artists”, who use social media to disrupt public order.
As the police and investigative teams are working further, it is difficult to comment or conclude the result and ensure prosecution. Cases were booked under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) (Sections related to defamation, false statements, and organized crime), the IT Act, and the Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act. While the arrest of journalists is often viewed through the lens of state overreach, this specific instance compels us to distinguish between legitimate reportage and criminal character assassination.
Midnight arrests, criticism by the opposition, and the IAS association
The government maintains that these actions are necessary to protect the dignity of public servants (especially women) and to curb the spread of malicious “fake news” that could incite social unrest. The BRS (Bharat Rashtra Samithi) and BJP have termed these “midnight Arrests” as a “direct assault on democracy” and “Emergency-style rule.” BRS leader K.T. Rama Rao criticized the police for treating journalists like “terrorists” for bailable offenses. The IAS Officers’ Association (led by Jayesh Ranjan) filed the formal complaint, asserting that the media must not be allowed to violate the privacy of individuals without any supporting evidence.
The Conflict: Freedom of Speech vs. The Right to Privacy
The bedrock of the Indian Constitution, Article 19(1)(a), grants the right to freedom of speech and expression. However, this is not an absolute right; it is subject to “reasonable restrictions” under Article 19(2), which specifically includes decency, morality, and defamation.
In the Puttaswamy judgment, the Supreme Court elevated the Right to Privacy to a fundamental right under Article 21. The article correctly points out that even if a personal relationship exists between two consenting adults (public servants or otherwise), it falls within the “private domain” unless it directly impairs their public duties. Dragging private lives into the streets is not “news” it is voyeurism, legally bordering on harassment and stalking.
Defamation and the “Public Good” Defense
Under the law of defamation (formerly Sections 499/500 of the IPC, now under theBharatiya Nyaya Sanhita), “Truth” is a defense only if the imputation is made for the public good.
- Trap of Sensationalism: Creating a “fake” narrative or magnifying a “rumor” into a “scandal” fails the test of public good.
- Character Assassination: When media outlets engage in “character assassination” they bypass the judicial process to pronounce a “social death sentence” on the victims. For a woman officer, this often involves deep-seated patriarchal tropes, making the offense not just defamatory but also gender-discriminatory.
Institutional Malice-The “Paparazzi” Comparison
One should find a vital distinction between the traditional Paparazzi and modern Political Media. While the Paparazzi (famously linked to the Princess Diana tragedy) were driven by profit-seeking curiosity, the current trend in regional media is driven by Institutional Malice.
- The Owner-Politician Nexus: When a channel owner uses their platform to settle political scores or facilitate a cabinet reshuffle by “leaking” manufactured scandals, the journalist becomes a mere tool.
- Criminal Conspiracy: If the SIT investigation remains limited to the reporters who filed the story and ignores the “hand that feeds” the owners and political masters it fails the ends of justice. Legally, this is a matter of criminal conspiracy where the “intent” originates at the top.
The Erosion of Journalistic Standards
The article highlights a shift from Objective Neutrality to Subjective Fiction.
- Verification: Standard journalistic ethics require seeking the version of the person being accused. By bypassing this, the media houses are violating the guidelines of the Press Council of India.
- “The Smoke without Fire” Fallacy: Modern digital media creates the “smoke” (misinformation) to convince the public there is a “fire” (guilt), effectively reversing the principle of “innocent until proven guilty”.
The Need for a “Special Investigation” into Values
The legal takeaway is clear: Freedom of the press does not include the freedom to be a predator. When journalism adopts the “Voyeuristic” lens—peering through the cracks of private lives for political leverage—it ceases to be a protected democratic activity.
The SIT must not only investigate the “source” of the fake news but also the systemic misuse of media platforms to conduct trials by television. As the article suggests, the real “Special Investigation” needs to be into the decaying social and professional values that allow women and public servants to be used as pawns in high-stakes political games.
Law professor and eminent columnist
Madabhushi Sridhar Acharyulu, author of 63 books (in Telugu and English), Formerly Central Information Commissioner, Professor of NALSAR University, Bennett University (near Delhi), presently Professor and Advisor, Mahindra University, Hyderabad. Studied in Masoom Ali High School, AVV Junior College, CKM College, and Kakatiya University in Warangal. Madabhushi did LL.M., MCJ., and the highest law degree, LL.D. He won 4 Gold Medals at Kakatiya University and Osmania University.
